Tuesday, November 29, 2016
The
surgical strikes conducted by the army to neutralize terrorist camps in
Pakistan-occupied Kashmir have set in motion a chain of events that must cause
concern since, at their very heart, they are related to the crucial issue of
civil-military relations in the country.
We hear tirelessly that in a democracy
the armed forces come under civilian control. Fortuitously, this principle has
never been doubted by the apolitical armed forces as their performance since
Independence will show. What, however, irks the military is that civilian
control has taken on the meaning of bureaucratic control.
Today, the
ministry of defence is charged with the responsibility of national defence by
the cabinet, making the defence secretary the key link.
The armed forces
headquarters, however, are not part of the MoD, but mere 'attached offices'.
The recommendation of the post-Kargil K. Subrahmanyam committee to integrate
armed forces headquarters with the MoD resulted in a change of nomenclature,
from 'attached offices' to 'integrated service HQs'. In reality, except for the
change in letterheads, nothing else changed.
Proposals from the armed forces HQ
continue to be debated separately in MoD files, with no military officers
posted within to provide professional inputs.
The fate of operational and
administrative proposals originating from those who will fight the enemy is
hence decided by faceless mandarins who will never be held accountable for the
consequences of their unbridled authority.
The Subrahmanyam committee had rued
that we are the only democracy following such an archaic system, but we choose
to remain wedded to it.
As security challenges become multidimensional and more
complex, it is not surprising that severe cracks are now beginning to show.
Some of the symptoms discussed below will indicate that the status
quo is now hurting national
security.
The spirit
of successive pay commissions is to revise for better pay and other emoluments
of government servants across the board. This cannot be said for the armed
forces, which, through the bitter experience of previous such commissions, know
that they will inevitably come out the worse for it.
The third pay commission
summarily lowered their status as compared to the civil services as a
back-handed reward for their 1971 victory. Anomalies of the fifth and sixth pay
commissions have not been resolved, and veterans are pleading cases in various
courts, sometimes with their own MoD opposing them.
Adding insult to injury,
successive governments have turned down the forces' request to be represented
in the pay commissions.
Not
surprisingly, the recommendations of the seventh pay commission were also
received with considerable disappointment by the armed forces. That fundamental
differences remain in spite of the intervention by the defence minister speaks
of the complexity of the issues involved, which only gets exacerbated with no
inputs from the armed forces during the commission's deliberations.
Today, when
senior political leaders suggest that soldiers be granted legitimate dues as a
Diwali gift, the soldier is made to feel that he is seeking alms and considers
this an attack on his izzat.
The chiefs
of staff committee had in August addressed a letter to the prime minister and
the defence minister raising concerns on issues relating to the seventh pay
commission. These related to a level playing field with civilian counterparts
in terms of salary hikes, implementation of non-functional upgrades, increase
in military service pay for junior commissioned officers and parity in
disability pension with civilian counterparts.
It is worth recalling that this
is not the first time that the COSC was compelled to take such an unusual step.
A similar missive was sent out by the then COSC to the UPA I government after
the sixth pay commission, but to no avail. Leaders now pretending to be
saviours of the armed forces would do well to revisit this history.
What was
new this time around was that when government orders for implementation were
issued ignoring these concerns, the COSC decided not to implement these
instructions and informed the defence minister in writing.
Being conscious of
the morale of their rank and file, the service chiefs simultaneously advised
their respective services that "we have been constrained to request the
government to hold implementation of 7th CPC award in abeyance in view of anomalies
which need to be resolved. In the interim, personnel are expected to display
maturity and patience and not be swayed by hearsay or speculative reports from
any quarter."
The gravity of the service chiefs being compelled to take
this unparalleled cautionary step appears to have been lost not just on the
political and administrative executive but on the media as well.
Perhaps this
indicates that institutions of Indian democracy do not quite comprehend the
challenges that modern democracies face in the complex domain of civil-military
relations.
It is fair
to say that no sensitive democracy would have allowed things to come to such an
unfortunate pass where the service chiefs are forced to put their foot down in
the wider interest of the welfare of the men and women they command. This is
because democracies serious about national security are overtly sensitive to
the challenges that modern militaries face today. They are conscious that
threats are not always black and white, that modern-day communications and
social media are making those in uniform more aware of the world outside their
immediate military spheres, exposing them to diverse and, sometimes,
exaggerated views, and that aspirations of soldiers and their families are
rising in keeping with those of their civil counterparts, to name just a few.
Added to these is a robust and free media with their instant and 24-hour reach
and ever on the alert for perceived slip-ups.
It is in
this open and free democratic society that military commanders are expected to
exercise moral and ethical leadership such that in times of adversity their
word alone will propel their men to willingly give their all for the cause of
flag and country. Just as no other civil service puts a demand on individuals
to sacrifice their lives, no other leadership has to directly bear the cross of
this onerous moral responsibility.
These
finer challenges to military leadership in a free society are lost on our
policy makers whose sole concern is to exercise civilian control over the military
without a clear understanding of how such authority ought to be exercised
sensitively and effectively. Lazy analysts overlook the structural infirmities
in our higher defence management system that have been the subject of many
committees and prefer to look at it as a mere turf battle between the MoD and
the armed forces.
It is in
this background that the unfortunate events following the recent surgical
strikes need to be seen. That the armed forces were drawn into an unnecessary
political debate is unfortunate and does not augur well for the future.
Worse
was to follow when the mandarins thought it fit to come up with two back-handed
rewards in quick succession in the form of two government orders. The first,
formalizing the policy of disability pension in disregard of the earlier COSC
request for review. And the second, on the very sensitive subject of rank
equivalence between defence officers and armed forces headquarters' civil
service officers.
This letter majestically announced further downgrading of the
status of armed forces officers relative to their civil service counterparts
which meant that a major general (or equivalent in other services) was now
equated with a principal director from the earlier equivalence of
joint-secretary, a brigadier with a director from earlier principal director,
and so on.
For the
second time in quick succession, the armed forces were neither amused nor
willing to accept this sleight of hand, and made their reservations known.
That
both these orders have since been held in abeyance begs a larger question,
which, if not investigated and satisfactorily resolved, will continue widening
the trust deficit between the MoD and the armed forces.
When MoD mandarins are
known to be thorough and meticulous in their staff work, what gremlins, one
wonders, were at work in the MoD that chose this particular timing to fire two
sensitive salvoes at the forces? What indeed were the deeper motives?
Under
normal circumstances, such examples of grave tension in civil-military
relations would have caused the larger polity to take serious note, sink
political differences and join hands to look at the root causes and seek common
ground for solutions. Competitive chest thumping on successful operations of
the armed forces or to cash in on the present disquiet and to be posing as
saviours of the forces are unhealthy precedents for our democracy and will tend
to pollute and politicize the apolitical military ethos.
If there is one lesson
from the recent happenings, it is that civil-military relations are now so
brittle that they may snap on the slightest pretext.
This
year's Diwali saw an immense outpouring of affection and support for our men
and women in uniform from across society, ably led by the prime minister. This,
however, is no substitute for the deep fissures in civil-military relations.
As
has often been argued in these columns, the entire issue of civil-military
relations must now be reviewed by a blue ribbon commission, debated in
Parliament and legislated upon such that national security is not compromised.
This would be one Diwali gift that the armed forces would relish in perpetuity
as they look up to the prime minister to man the bridge of their badly damaged
battleship.
(SOURCE - THE TELEGRAPH)
The Nation (the CG Staff) celebrated Diwali with 7 CPC bonanza. But the soldier's were left off, and that shows the intended insult to their profession. The day the serving soldier knows the mind of the politician supported bureaucrats, no General can contain their anger. For the continued follies of the bureaucrats, the Nation as a whole have pay dearly. All is not well in the security state of our country.
ReplyDeletesir,
ReplyDeleteas a civilian they have got their responsibilities in terms of their appointment, why there is equivalence and parity as far as profession or career concerned, you army officers do your duty on your given appointment and excel, people will keep you in high profile
what about other ranks they are mere security guards, watchman or peon, we will never equate our ranks with civilian counterparts,
after retirement I worked in a public sector, manager used to come to me for drafting if any legal notice received from the client
you aggregate knowledge everything come unto you, when the chief of the staff committee met the defense minister to put their points , even not a single point concerning other ranks or soldiers they represented
how you accept them they are our seniors will look after the welfare of soldiers
Sir, I am thr fourth generation of army and at the of 78yrs I have no doubts to say that,our sr officers are responsible of army's down gradation. Bureaucracy of this country is trying to headed down army since 1947, what Dr leadership were doing since 1947 ?
ReplyDeleteCivilian counterparts..? who are they? When you claim superiority in all spheres, where is the question of equivalence with civilian counterparts? Have you ever fought for a similar equivalence for the other ranks? Have you ever bothered to treat them as citizens of free India? So, secure the brass on your shoulders, enjoy the arrogance of seniority within, play a lot of golf and leave the civilians alone. Comparatively, they have lot of aches in their profession, which you are not accustomed to.
ReplyDelete???
DeleteThere is no ambiguity or confusion, whatsoever, that defence services are responsible to the nation through the civilian political leadership. Unless the Chiefs of Army, Navy and Air Force put their foot down and refuse to be subordinate to the civilian clerks, defence services will continue to be insulted and humiliated and the blame would squarely lie with the political leadership of -- majority, minority or any coalition government.
ReplyDeleteThe best way to counter civil-military disparity is to de-link afs by the three services chiefs themselves from MoD in matters of operational orders not toeing
ReplyDeletetheir line. When united, the chiefs can re-instate the AFs status to pre 71.
Almost all forums find PBORS or moles in their shadow have single minded agenda against officers.
ReplyDeleteLast few chief from all services have been sons of JCO/ NCO and good numbers getting promoted from ranks effectively should have dissolved any such stink in the minds ... but alas.
Its time to dissolve this so called forces and generate a new outfit on lines with our existing Police / CPAF who would abandon posts like in Haryana , Kashmir , Uttarakhand deluge & many such in past 70 yrs.
Hope then this country will be able to rebuild a force again who will be charged , motivated and self willed to sacrifice their lives because they get corporate like salaries or someone talked of mercenaries.
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ReplyDelete